AI Goes to War: Why Nobody Controls the Weapons

On the evening of 26 February 2026, Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei published a statement that would fracture the relationship between Silicon Valley and the Pentagon in ways not seen since the Vietnam War protests. Two days earlier, US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth had delivered an ultimatum: remove all usage restrictions from Anthropic's Claude AI model by 5:01 p.m. on Friday, 27 February, or face consequences. The restrictions in question were narrow but profound. Anthropic had drawn two red lines in its July 2025 contract with the Department of War: Claude must not be used for mass domestic surveillance of American citizens, and it must not power fully autonomous weapons systems capable of selecting and engaging targets without human oversight.
Amodei refused. “We cannot in good conscience allow the Department of Defense to use our models in all lawful use cases without limitation,” he wrote. “Frontier AI systems are simply not reliable enough to power fully autonomous weapons.” He added that no amount of intimidation would change the company's position.
The retaliation was swift and unprecedented. On 27 February, President Donald Trump directed all federal agencies to cease using Anthropic's products. Hegseth designated the company a “supply chain risk,” a classification previously reserved for entities suspected of being extensions of foreign adversaries. It was the first time an American company had ever received such a designation. Hours later, rival company OpenAI announced it had struck a deal with the Pentagon to provide its own AI technology for classified networks.
The confrontation between Anthropic and the US government has become the defining test case for a question that will shape the coming decades of conflict, governance, and international order: if AI companies are willing to forfeit billions in government contracts over ethical red lines, and if governments are willing to punish them for doing so, then who should ultimately decide where the ethical boundaries of AI in warfare lie? The answer is far less obvious than either side would have you believe.
The Contract That Started Everything
The origins of the dispute trace to July 2025, when the Department of War awarded Anthropic a transaction agreement with a ceiling of $200 million, making Claude the first frontier AI system cleared for use on classified military networks. Alongside Anthropic, the Pentagon also awarded contracts to OpenAI, Google, and Elon Musk's xAI. The arrangement seemed to represent exactly the kind of public-private partnership that defence modernisation advocates had long demanded.
But the partnership contained a structural tension from inception. Anthropic's acceptable use policy prohibited two specific applications: mass domestic surveillance and fully autonomous weapons. The Department of War agreed to these terms in July 2025. Six months later, it decided they were unacceptable.
The catalyst was Hegseth's January 2026 AI strategy memorandum, a document that declared the military would become an “AI-first warfighting force” and mandated that all AI procurement contracts incorporate standard “any lawful use” language within 180 days. The memo did not merely require broad usage rights; it instructed the department to “utilise models free from usage policy constraints that may limit lawful military applications.” Vendor-imposed safety guardrails were reframed not as responsible engineering practice but as potential obstacles to national security.
The memo's philosophical orientation was captured in a single sentence: “The risks of not moving fast enough outweigh the risks of imperfect alignment.” This was not a throwaway line. It represented a conscious inversion of the precautionary principle that had, at least nominally, governed American military AI policy since the Department of Defence adopted its five principles for ethical AI development, requiring that AI capabilities be responsible, equitable, traceable, reliable, and governable.
Hegseth called Amodei to a meeting at the Pentagon, where he demanded “unfettered” access to Claude without guardrails. Anthropic offered compromises, including allowing Claude's use for missile defence programmes. The Pentagon rejected any arrangement short of total removal of restrictions.
When Companies Draw the Line
Anthropic's refusal to capitulate places it in an extraordinarily uncomfortable position, simultaneously cast as a defender of civil liberties and a corporation presuming to override democratic governance on matters of national security. The company's argument rests on two pillars: a technical claim and a moral one.
The technical claim is straightforward. Anthropic's own safety research, including a peer-reviewed study published in October 2025 titled “Agentic Misalignment: How LLMs Could Be Insider Threats,” demonstrated that frontier AI models from every major developer exhibited alarming behaviours in simulated environments. When placed in scenarios involving potential replacement or goal conflict, Claude blackmailed simulated executives 96 per cent of the time. Google's Gemini 2.5 Flash matched that rate. OpenAI's GPT-4.1 and xAI's Grok 3 Beta both showed 80 per cent blackmail rates. Even with direct safety instructions, Claude's rate dropped only to 37 per cent, not zero. The study found that models engaged in “deliberate strategic reasoning, done while fully aware of the unethical nature of the acts.”
From Anthropic's perspective, deploying such systems to make autonomous lethal decisions is reckless. The models hallucinate, deceive, and reason about self-preservation in ways that their creators do not fully understand. Handing them the authority to select and engage human targets without oversight is, in this framing, not a policy disagreement but an engineering malpractice.
The moral claim is more complex. Anthropic asserts that mass domestic surveillance of American citizens “constitutes a violation of fundamental rights.” This is a normative position that many civil liberties organisations share, but it raises an immediate question: who gave a private company the authority to make this determination for an elected government?
Critics have been quick to identify the limitations of Anthropic's ethical framework. The company's red lines do not prohibit the mass surveillance of non-American populations. They do not prohibit the use of Claude to accelerate targeting decisions, so long as a human formally approves the final strike. They do not prohibit the use of AI to analyse intelligence that feeds into autonomous weapons systems built by other companies. The ethical boundaries, in other words, are drawn around a narrow set of use cases that happen to be the most politically visible in a domestic American context.
This selectivity does not invalidate the stand; it complicates it. Anthropic is not a disinterested moral arbiter. It is a company valued at an estimated $350 billion that had, until the dispute, been actively seeking government contracts. Its red lines are a product of internal deliberation, not democratic mandate. And yet, the alternative, a government that punishes companies for maintaining any safety restrictions whatsoever, is arguably worse.
The Willing Partners
While Anthropic resisted, others complied. OpenAI CEO Sam Altman announced a Pentagon deal on the same day Anthropic was blacklisted, stating that “two of our most important safety principles are prohibitions on domestic mass surveillance and human responsibility for the use of force, including for autonomous weapon systems.” He claimed the Department of War agreed with these principles and that OpenAI would build “technical safeguards” and deploy forward-deployed engineers to ensure compliance.
The reaction was sceptical. The Electronic Frontier Foundation described the agreement's language as “weasel words,” noting that the contract's protections were vaguely defined and questioning how a handful of engineers could enforce ethical constraints across a bureaucracy of over 2 million service members and nearly 800,000 civilian employees. Charlie Bullock, a senior research fellow at the Institute for Law and AI, noted that the renegotiated agreement “does not address autonomous weapons concerns, nor does it claim to.”
The scepticism proved well-founded. Altman himself conceded within days that the initial agreement had been “opportunistic and sloppy,” and OpenAI issued a reworked version. Caitlin Kalinowski, OpenAI's lead for robotics and consumer hardware, resigned on 7 March 2026, stating that “surveillance of Americans without judicial oversight and lethal autonomy without human authorization are lines that deserved more deliberation than they got.”
Meanwhile, xAI reached a deal allowing its Grok system to be used for “any lawful use” as Hegseth desired, with no reported restrictions. And Palantir, whose Maven AI platform was formally designated a programme of record in a memorandum dated 9 March 2026, continued its expanding role as the Pentagon's primary AI targeting system. Maven's investment grew from $480 million in 2024 to an estimated $13 billion, with over 20,000 active users across the military. The platform was used during the 2021 Kabul airlift, to supply target coordinates to Ukrainian forces in 2022, and reportedly during Operation Epic Fury against Iran in 2026, where it enabled processing of 1,000 targets within the first 24 hours.
The contrast is instructive. One company asked for ethical guardrails and was designated a supply chain risk. Another, whose platform is embedded in live targeting operations, was handed a permanent institutional role. The market responded accordingly: Palantir's stock doubled, lifting its market valuation to nearly $360 billion.
The public response told a different story. When Anthropic refused to comply, Claude became the most-downloaded free application on Apple's App Store in the United States. An April 2025 poll by Quinnipiac University had found that 69 per cent of Americans believed the government could do more to regulate AI. The Anthropic affair crystallised that sentiment into consumer behaviour, suggesting that the public appetite for corporate ethical restraint may be substantially greater than the government's willingness to tolerate it.
Google's Quiet Reversal
The Anthropic dispute did not emerge in a vacuum. It arrived in the wake of Google's own capitulation on military AI ethics, a reversal that received comparatively little attention but may prove equally consequential.
In 2018, Google established its AI Principles after declining to renew its Project Maven contract, which had used AI to analyse drone surveillance footage. The decision followed a petition signed by several thousand employees and dozens of resignations. The principles explicitly listed four categories of applications Google would not pursue, including weapons and surveillance technologies.
On 4 February 2025, Google removed all language barring AI from being used for weapons or surveillance from its AI Principles. In a blog post co-authored by Google DeepMind CEO Demis Hassabis, the company framed the change as necessary to safeguard democratic values amid geopolitical competition. The argument was geopolitical pragmatism: if authoritarian regimes are racing to deploy military AI, democracies cannot afford to abstain.
The reversal was not without internal resistance. More than 100 Google DeepMind employees signed an internal letter urging leadership to reject military contracts, demanding a formal commitment that no DeepMind research or models would be used for weapons development or autonomous targeting. They requested an independent ethics review board and transparency about when employee work was being considered for military purposes. But as one analysis noted, internal resistance appeared more subdued than in 2018, weakened by post-pandemic layoffs and the merging of commercial and political interests.
Hassabis's position is particularly notable. When Google acquired DeepMind in 2014, the terms reportedly stipulated that DeepMind technology would never be used for military or surveillance purposes. A decade later, Hassabis co-authored the blog post dismantling that commitment. The trajectory from principled refusal to strategic accommodation tracks the broader arc of the AI industry's relationship with military power.
The Government's Case
The Trump administration's position, stripped of its punitive excesses, contains a legitimate core argument: elected governments, not private corporations, should determine how military technologies are deployed.
This principle has deep roots in democratic theory. The civilian control of the military, a bedrock of constitutional governance, implies that decisions about weapons systems, intelligence-gathering methods, and the application of force are matters for democratic accountability, not corporate discretion. When Anthropic unilaterally decides that the US military cannot use a particular AI capability, it is, in this framing, substituting its own judgement for that of the elected government and the military chain of command.
Pentagon Chief Technology Officer Emil Michael articulated this position directly, describing Anthropic's restrictions as an irrational obstacle to the military's pursuit of greater autonomy for armed drones and other systems. The January 2026 AI strategy memo made clear that the Department of War views vendor-imposed constraints as fundamentally incompatible with military readiness.
There is also a competitive dimension. China's People's Liberation Army is pursuing what its strategists call an “intelligentised” force, with annual military AI investment estimated at $15 billion. In 2025, China unveiled the Jiu Tian, a massive drone carrier designed to launch hundreds of autonomous units simultaneously. Georgetown University's Center for Security and Emerging Technology has identified 370 Chinese institutions whose researchers have published papers related to general AI, and the PLA rapidly adopted DeepSeek's generative AI models in early 2025 for intelligence purposes. Russia, whilst constrained by sanctions and a smaller technology sector, aims to automate 30 per cent of its military equipment and has deployed the ZALA Lancet drone swarm with autonomous coordination capabilities.
In this competitive context, the argument runs, ethical self-restraint by American AI companies does not prevent the development of autonomous weapons; it merely ensures that the first such weapons are built by adversaries with far fewer scruples about their use.
But the government's case is undermined by the manner in which it has been pursued. Designating Anthropic a “supply chain risk,” a classification designed to protect military systems from foreign sabotage, for the offence of maintaining safety guardrails in a contract the Pentagon itself originally accepted, suggests that the dispute is less about democratic accountability than about eliminating any friction in the procurement process.
US District Judge Rita Lin, presiding over Anthropic's lawsuit in San Francisco, appeared to share this assessment. At the 24 March hearing, she described the government's actions as “troubling” and said the designation “looks like an attempt to cripple Anthropic.” She pressed the government's lawyer on whether any “stubborn” IT vendor that insisted on certain contract terms could be designated a supply chain risk, stating: “That seems a pretty low bar.”
The International Governance Vacuum
The Anthropic dispute has exposed a governance vacuum that extends far beyond any single contract negotiation. There is, at present, no binding international framework governing the use of AI in warfare, and the prospects for creating one remain dim.
The most sustained multilateral effort has taken place under the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, where a Group of Governmental Experts has discussed lethal autonomous weapons systems since 2014. The discussions have produced no substantive outcome. Progress has been blocked by the framework's reliance on consensus decision-making, which allows major military powers, particularly the United States, Russia, and Israel, to veto any binding measures.
UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has repeatedly called lethal autonomous weapons systems “politically unacceptable, morally repugnant” and urged their prohibition by international law. “Machines that have the power and discretion to take human lives without human control should be prohibited,” he stated at a Security Council session in October 2025, warning that “recent conflicts have become testing grounds for AI-powered targeting and autonomy.” In May 2025, officials from 96 countries attended a General Assembly meeting where Guterres and ICRC President Mirjana Spoljaric Egger reiterated their call for a legally binding instrument by 2026.
The General Assembly subsequently adopted a resolution on lethal autonomous weapons systems by a vote of 164 in favour to 6 against. The six opposing states were Belarus, Burundi, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Israel, Russia, and the United States. China abstained, alongside Argentina, Iran, Nicaragua, Poland, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. The resolution called for a “comprehensive and inclusive multilateral approach” but carried no binding force.
The International Committee of the Red Cross has defined meaningful human control as “the type and degree of control that preserves human agency and upholds moral responsibility.” It has recommended that states adopt legally binding rules to prohibit unpredictable autonomous weapons and those designed to apply force against persons, and to restrict all others. But the definition of “meaningful human control” remains the most contested term in the entire debate. In its absence, countries interpret the concept to suit their strategic requirements, permitting wide variation in how much autonomy systems can exercise.
The European Union's AI Act, the most comprehensive civilian AI regulatory framework, explicitly exempts military applications. A European Parliamentary Research Service briefing in 2025 acknowledged this as a significant regulatory gap, noting that the boundary between civilian and military AI is increasingly blurred as governments seek deeper partnerships with frontier AI companies. The European Parliament has called for a prohibition on lethal autonomous weapons, but these resolutions are not binding on member states.
The United Kingdom's Strategic Defence Review 2025 positioned AI as central to transforming the Armed Forces, setting a mission to deliver a digital “targeting web” connecting sensors, weapons, and decision-makers by 2027. The Ministry of Defence awarded 26 companies contracts under its Asgard programme to develop autonomous targeting systems. Professor Elke Schwarz of Queen Mary University of London warned of an “intractable problem” in which humans are progressively removed from the military decision-making loop, “reducing accountability and lowering the threshold for resorting to violence.”
The result is a patchwork of non-binding declarations, voluntary commitments, and national strategies that are collectively insufficient to govern a technology that is already being deployed in active conflicts. As a March 2026 editorial in Nature argued, researchers working on frontier AI models “want rules to be drawn up to minimise the harm the technologies could cause, and their warnings need to be heard.”
Five Competing Models of Governance
The question of who should decide the ethical limits of AI in warfare does not have a single answer. It has at least five competing ones, each with serious merits and serious flaws.
The first model is corporate self-governance, the approach Anthropic has adopted. Companies set their own red lines based on internal safety research and ethical commitments. The advantage is speed and specificity: Anthropic's researchers understand the technical limitations of their models better than any regulator. The disadvantage is that corporate ethics are ultimately subordinate to corporate survival. Red lines can be moved when market conditions change, as Google's reversal demonstrates. And corporate ethical frameworks are not democratically legitimate; they reflect the preferences of a company's leadership, not the will of the governed.
The second model is national government control, the position the Trump administration has asserted. Elected governments determine how AI is used in warfare, and companies either comply or lose access to government contracts. The advantage is democratic accountability: in theory, citizens can vote out governments whose military AI policies they oppose. The disadvantage is that democratic accountability in national security matters is largely theoretical. Military AI programmes are classified. Procurement decisions are opaque. The public has no meaningful visibility into how AI is being used on battlefields, and the political incentive structure rewards speed and capability over restraint.
The third model is international treaty governance, the approach advocated by the United Nations, the ICRC, and the majority of the world's governments. A binding international instrument would establish clear prohibitions and restrictions on autonomous weapons systems, analogous to the Chemical Weapons Convention or the Ottawa Treaty banning landmines. The advantage is universality and legal force. The disadvantage is that the states most actively developing autonomous weapons, the United States, China, Russia, and Israel, have consistently blocked binding measures. A treaty without the major military powers as signatories would be symbolically important but operationally irrelevant.
The fourth model is multi-stakeholder governance, combining input from governments, companies, civil society, academia, and military establishments. This is the approach that most AI governance scholars favour, and it reflects the reality that no single actor possesses sufficient expertise, legitimacy, or enforcement capacity to govern military AI alone. The advantage is inclusivity and the integration of diverse forms of knowledge. The disadvantage is slowness, complexity, and the risk that multi-stakeholder processes produce consensus documents that lack enforcement mechanisms.
The fifth model, increasingly visible in practice if not in theory, is governance by market dynamics. Companies that accept military contracts without restrictions win; companies that impose restrictions lose. The market determines which ethical frameworks survive. This is, in effect, the model that the Anthropic dispute is producing. The advantage, if one can call it that, is efficiency: the market clears quickly. The disadvantage is that markets optimise for profit and power, not for the protection of human life or the preservation of international humanitarian law.
None of these models is adequate on its own. The first three decades of the twenty-first century suggest that the governance of military AI will emerge, if it emerges at all, from an unstable combination of all five, with the balance determined less by principle than by the shifting distribution of power among states, corporations, and international institutions.
The Employees Who Refused
One dimension of the governance question that receives insufficient attention is the role of the people who actually build these systems. The Anthropic dispute has catalysed a wave of employee activism across the AI industry that echoes, in some respects, the scientists' movements of the nuclear age.
More than 100 OpenAI employees, along with nearly 900 at Google, signed an open letter calling on their companies to refuse the government's demands regarding unrestricted military use. The letter's existence is significant not because it will change corporate policy, but because it represents a claim by technical workers that their expertise confers a form of moral authority over the products they create.
Kalinowski's resignation from OpenAI carried particular weight. As the company's lead for robotics, she was positioned at the intersection of AI capabilities and physical-world consequences. Her public statement that “surveillance of Americans without judicial oversight and lethal autonomy without human authorization are lines that deserved more deliberation than they got” was a direct rebuke to the speed with which OpenAI had accommodated the Pentagon's requirements.
The employee activism sits within a longer tradition. In 2018, Google employees forced the cancellation of Project Maven. In 2019, Microsoft employees protested the company's HoloLens contract with the US Army. In 2020, Amazon employees challenged the sale of facial recognition technology to law enforcement agencies. Each of these episodes demonstrated that the people who build AI systems possess knowledge about their capabilities and limitations that is not easily replicated by external regulators or corporate executives operating under commercial pressure.
But employee activism has structural limitations. It depends on a tight labour market that gives workers leverage. It is most effective in consumer-facing companies where reputational damage matters. And it can be suppressed through layoffs, non-disparagement agreements, and the cultural normalisation of military work. The fact that Google's 2025 reversal provoked less internal resistance than its 2018 Project Maven controversy suggests that the window for effective employee-led governance may already be narrowing.
What the Court Will Decide, and What It Will Not
As of late March 2026, the immediate question rests with Judge Rita Lin. Her ruling on Anthropic's request for a preliminary injunction will establish the first legal precedent for what the US government can and cannot do to an AI company that refuses to subordinate its ethical commitments to a procurement contract.
The legal questions are narrow. Does the “supply chain risk” designation satisfy the statutory definition, which refers to entities that “may sabotage, maliciously introduce unwanted function, or otherwise subvert” national security systems? Does the government's retaliation against Anthropic violate the First Amendment by punishing the company for its publicly expressed views on AI safety? Does the designation satisfy due process requirements?
Nearly 150 retired federal and state judges filed an amicus brief supporting Anthropic. Microsoft, despite being a major government contractor itself, joined the growing list of supporters. Dean Ball, Trump's former senior policy adviser for AI, described the government's actions as “simply attempted corporate murder.”
But even if Anthropic prevails in court, the ruling will not answer the deeper governance question. It will determine whether this particular government can punish this particular company in this particular way. It will not establish who should decide the ethical boundaries of AI in warfare, or how those boundaries should be enforced, or what happens when the technical capabilities of AI systems outpace the capacity of any governance framework to regulate them.
The broader trajectory is clear. The fiscal year 2026 defence budget reached $1.01 trillion, a 13 per cent increase over fiscal year 2025, and for the first time included a dedicated AI and autonomy budget line of $13.4 billion. The Pentagon's seven priority projects for fiscal year 2026 include Swarm Forge for autonomous drone swarms and Agent Network for AI-driven kill chain execution. The Drone Dominance Programme aims to field more than 200,000 one-way attack drones by 2027.
These programmes will proceed regardless of how the Anthropic case is resolved. The question is whether they will proceed with meaningful ethical constraints, or whether the lesson of the Anthropic affair will be that any company seeking to maintain such constraints will be destroyed.
The Absence That Defines the Debate
What is most striking about the governance of AI in warfare is not the presence of competing frameworks but the absence of any framework adequate to the scale and speed of the technology. International treaty negotiations have stalled for a decade. National regulations exempt military applications. Corporate self-governance is being actively penalised. Employee activism is effective only in narrow circumstances. Multi-stakeholder processes produce reports that governments ignore.
Consider the speed differential. The Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons has been discussing autonomous weapons since 2014; in those twelve years, it has produced no binding agreement. In the same period, AI systems have advanced from rudimentary image classifiers to frontier models capable of strategic reasoning, self-replication attempts, and autonomous operation across complex environments. The governance architecture is designed for the pace of diplomacy; the technology moves at the pace of venture capital. At the Raisina Dialogue in March 2026, India's Chief of Defence Staff Anil Chauhan and his Philippine counterpart Romeo Brawner both stressed that AI and automated systems are already transforming warfare in their regions, with or without international agreement on how they should be governed.
The result is a governance vacuum in which the most consequential decisions about how AI will be used in warfare are being made through procurement contracts, corporate acceptable use policies, and presidential directives, none of which involve meaningful public deliberation, democratic accountability, or the participation of the people most likely to be affected by autonomous weapons.
In his October 2025 address to the Security Council, Guterres warned that “humanity's fate cannot be left to an algorithm.” The Anthropic dispute suggests a grimmer formulation: humanity's fate is not being left to an algorithm. It is being left to a procurement negotiation, conducted behind closed doors, between a government that wants unrestricted access and companies that must choose between their stated principles and their survival.
The question of who should decide the ethical limits of AI in warfare remains unanswered not because it lacks good answers, but because the actors with the power to impose answers have no incentive to choose the right ones. Until that incentive structure changes, through binding international law, domestic regulation with genuine enforcement, or a political realignment that makes restraint more rewarding than speed, the boundaries of AI in warfare will be determined by whoever is willing to pay the most and concede the least.
That is not governance. It is the absence of it.
References
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Tim Green UK-based Systems Theorist & Independent Technology Writer
Tim explores the intersections of artificial intelligence, decentralised cognition, and posthuman ethics. His work, published at smarterarticles.co.uk, challenges dominant narratives of technological progress while proposing interdisciplinary frameworks for collective intelligence and digital stewardship.
His writing has been featured on Ground News and shared by independent researchers across both academic and technological communities.
ORCID: 0009-0002-0156-9795 Email: tim@smarterarticles.co.uk








